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First, there was the horrifying homicide in July of Eric Garner, placed in a choke-hold for selling loose cigarettes and denied medical assistance for several long minutes despite pleading "I can't breathe" eleven times. Then there was the shocking slaying in April of Walter Scott, stopped for a non-functioning third brake light and shot in the back in broad daylight while running away from the police.
Most recently, there was the fatal shooting this July of Samuel Dubose, stopped for a missing front license plate and shot in the head while attempting to drive away. In all three cases -- two of them caught by citizen videos and the third by police camera -- the victims were African-American.
In the wake of these events and protests that have done so much to focus public attention on them, our knowledge of police killings has rapidly expanded. So, too, has the issue's political salience. The videos -- and the outrage that followed -- helped ignite the most powerful civil rights movement since the s.
Thanks to this movement, the issues of police killings and mass incarceration are now squarely on the public agenda. Like the movements against lynching, state-sanctioned segregation and the death penalty before it, today's movement is part of a centuries-long struggle for racial justice.
These movements have repeatedly challenged the taken-for-granted practices of the day and redefined them, step-by-step, as no longer morally acceptable. As I will discuss below, this pattern describes the struggle that led to the decline and ultimate elimination of lynching, and it captures as well the ongoing fight against the death penalty that may well culminate in its abolition.
Today's movements aim at a similar transformation: The current movement emerged out of mounting anger over the killing of unarmed citizens by police.
When the question of how often such killings take place quite naturally arose, the shocking answer was that no one knew -- a state of affairs the FBI director James Comey has aptly described as " embarrassing and ridiculous. Investigations by the Wall Street Journal and FiveThirtyEight determined that hundreds of police killings went unreported annually, but they could do no more than provide rough estimates.
This is in striking contrast to many European countrieswhere every killing by the police is carefully recorded; indeed, in Germany and Finland, each and every shot fired by the police is entered into a national database. In response to the upsurge in public interest in police killings, the Washington Post and Guardian have stepped in to perform a task that should have been done by the government: Though the newspapers use slightly different methodologies, both newspapers draw on two citizen-initiated sources, "Killed by Police" and "Fatal Encounters," which collect news reports of people killed by law enforcement offices, and both include data on whether the person was armed.
Neither attempts to determine whether the killings should be deemed "justified. But we now know that this figure was a gross underestimation, for the actual number is more than 1, police killings each year -- about one every eight hours.
And Japan, a nation of million people that is as non-violent as the US is violent, had no police killings over the past two years.
Those killed by the police are of course not representative of the population; the investigation by the Guardian and the Washington Post tell us who they are. About 95 percent are male, and approximately half are years-old or younger.
African-Americans are heavily over-represented among the dead, at about one in four -- double their percentage of the population. Whites constitute about half of those killed by the police and Hispanics 15 percent, with the remainder Asian-Americans, Native-Americans, and "unknown.
Though 88 percent of those killed by the police die by gunshot, death by other means is not uncommon. Tasers, advertised as a "safe" alternative to guns, can be lethal; through October 31 of this year, tasers had killed 47 people.
Death from being struck by police vehicles, often in car chases that take innocent lives, resulted in 31 deaths during the first ten months of Death in custody -- the tragic case of Freddie Gray in Baltimore is the best known -- has taken 35 lives.
African-Americans have been disproportionately frequent victims of deaths by taser and in custody, comprising 38 percent and 32 percent of all victims, respectively, compared to 24 percent of all police killings with 11 percent "unknown".
But not all weapons are as deadly as guns; in the Guardian study, almost one-third were non-gun weapons, including baseball bats, machetes, and knives. In some cases, what seemed to be a gun turned out to be a fake gun: But there is no question that policing in America is a dangerous job and that law enforcement officers sometimes face genuinely lethal threats.
Yet it is also true that no small number of the people killed by the police are unarmed. Here the Guardian and Washington Post investigations diverge sharply, with the Guardian and the Post identifying and 77 such cases, respectively, through October 31st of this year.
But the difference is more apparent than real, for the Post only includes those individuals who are shot by the police, while the Guardian includes deaths by taser, police vehicles, and in custody as well as shooting.
Since it is police shootings of the unarmed that are at the epicenter of the current controversy, these cases warrant special scrutiny.
The particulars of each case vary yet there is a pattern in who is killed; of the 77 such cases documented by the Washington Post, 36 percent are black men.
Why are there such an extraordinary number of police killings in the United States? The short answer is that America is an extremely violent society, and that an unusually high rate of deaths at the hands of law enforcement is a logical consequence of the high levels of violence.There is broad consensus among medical associations, pediatricians, parents, and researchers that violent video games increase aggressive behavior.
 A study published in Psychology of Popular Media Culture found that 90% of pediatricians and 67% of parents agreed or strongly agreed that violent video games can increase aggressive behavior among children.
Why has probation become so prevalent as a means of punishment? Community supervison is being used more often now by the Courts because jails and prisons are crowded.
It is expensive to incarcerate someone. Probation and Parole as methods of mainstraiming criminals: A Socio-legal analysis of dealing with offenders than imprisonment, because the judge is required to record special reasons in the judgement of a criminal case other than capital punishment and.
Yes, he admitted that there is a quota they have to meet from time to time. As for the officers on the streets, this is not entirely their fault. Within the respective tabs below, you will find links to a number of resources about pretrial, probation/parole, and victims’ issues.
Additionally, information on re-entry, job services for supervisees, the history of community corrections, and recent statistical reports from the field are listed.
The special nature of domestic violence allegations True domestic violence must stop. Top. No rational person condones violence toward anyone, particularly a family member or intimate partner.